[00:00:00] Speaker A: Hi everybody. Welcome along to the Friday Freebie edition of the Dispatchers podcast. My name is Brendan Malone. It is great to be back with you again and today I have a little treat for you. We're going to have an interview with a guest all the way from Ireland. His name is David Quinn. I'll introduce him in just a second. But the reason I'm talking to David is because of the Kulak riots that happened in Ireland just last Monday. A fiery confrontation between police and protesters over the growing immigration crisis that is unfolding and has been unfolding for quite some time in Ireland. David is an irish social and religious commentator and from 1996 to 2003 he was the editor at the Irish Catholic newspaper. He served as the religious and social affairs correspondent for the Irish Independent from 2003 to 2005. He has often appeared on irish current affairs programs and since 2007 he has been the director of the Iona Institute advocacy group. He has campaigned against the liberalisation of irish abortion laws, the introduction of same sex marriage and the legalisation of assisted suicide. He is a member of the Dublin branch of Legatus, which promotes catholic values in corporate business, and he is a regular contributor to the irish edition of the Sunday Times. And it's a real privilege to be able to have him on the show. Before I get started with this interview, don't forget, if you want to get access to an exclusive patrons only episode of the Dispatchers podcast every single day of the week, that's an episode every day from Monday through Friday. Then go to patreon.com leftfootmedia. The link is in today's show notes and become a five dollar monthly patron. For less than the cost of a cup of coffee, you will get access to a daily dose of commentary on current affairs, social and cultural issues from me via the Dispatches podcast. That's patreon.com leftfootmedia. The link is in today's show notes and a huge thank you to all of our patrons. It's thanks to you that today's episode is made possible. Alrighty folks, without any further ado, let's have our conversation with David Quinn about the Kulak riots and the worsting immigration situation in Ireland.
Hi, my name is Brendan Malone and you're listening to the dispatches, the podcast that strives to cut through all the noise in order to challenge the popular narratives of the day with some good old fashioned contrarian thinking. You might not always agree, but at least you'll be taking a deeper look at the world around you.
David, thank you so much for being back with us. I'm tempted to call you our irish correspondent because you've been on so many times, but then I might have to pay you some sort of stipend. So. But just tell our listeners, who may be new to the podcast since we last spoke, a little bit about yourself and the work that you do.
[00:02:54] Speaker B: Okay?
So thanks for this and thanks for the opportunity, Brendan. So I've been a commentator and writer in Ireland for the last. Well, since the mid nineties.
I've written for a whole variety of newspapers. I've had a weekly national newspaper column since 1994, and currently I'm writing for the Sunday Independent. That's the biggest selling paper here.
I do quite a lot of radio.
I do a fair amount of television, less than I used to, by the way, because once upon a time, when the czech scandals were breaking, I was always on program. So when the big referendum campaigns and the issues like abortion and same sex marriage were going on, it was in huge demand.
But I'm still out there, still appearing on programs. I was editor of the Irish Catholic for a while. That's the main catholic paper here of a Twitter account at Dav Quinnip for anybody who wants to follow it, with about 27,000 followers.
So I guess I've been sort of the most prominent catholic social religious commentator here for that time.
[00:03:58] Speaker A: I should also say you're a fellow traveller, you're a burkean conservative and the mold of the great Edmund Burke, aren't you?
[00:04:05] Speaker B: I guess that'll be an accurate description, yes.
[00:04:07] Speaker A: Awesome. David, tell us a little bit about Kulak. And before we even get into the events that happened there just over a week ago, what has been going on there before this escalation that has made international headlines last week?
[00:04:22] Speaker B: So basically, Dublin, like a lot of cities, is kind of divided into a mainly working class part and a mainly middle class part. And so the mainly working class part tends to be north of the river Liffey that bisects the city, and Kullak is on the north side.
So Kullak is just a kind of traditional working class suburbanite that, you know, used to have a fair amount of local employment. So you had things like the Cadbury's chocolate factory.
Everybody who comes to Wilder loves Cadbury's chocolate. They had a tato factory with tato crisps, and everybody loves tato crisps. And they also had a crown factory painting factory.
A crown paint factory, should I say. And this has become the focus of the action at the time, you know, for the time being. So basically, they are trying to convert this former paint factory into an accommodations center for up to 500 migrants. And talk about this has been going on for months and there has been a protest camp outside this paint factory, this used paint factory for months, and it's going into a very economically depressed area. So Ireland is going through an economic boom.
We have low unemployment, but nonetheless there's pockets around the country where I. And there's still a lot of social deprivation to kind of tech boomers largely past these areas because these, like the Tato factory I mentioned, the Cadbury's factory, they are much smaller local employers than they used to be. One of them was closed down completely. Like, the crown paint factory is closed. So these people are kind of thinking, we can barely cope with what we got. We're already areas of social deprivation. So what are you doing moving 500 asylum seekers into this country, put them into areas that are better off.
[00:06:08] Speaker A: And so they've been there. Approximately how long has this protest encampment been in place before the events that happened last week?
[00:06:16] Speaker B: For months. I couldn't say exactly how long, but I've been there for months. I mean, I don't live too far from Kulak. I'm only about a ten minute drive away. And in fact, there's a cinema across the road that I would sometimes go to with my wife. And so we pass it by and there it is. And it's been there for months and months and, you know, signs like Kulak says no. And that kind of thing.
[00:06:35] Speaker A: And relatively peaceful that whole time, just, I guess, the usual protest type disruptions, but nothing major, just sitting there.
[00:06:42] Speaker B: And so you see people sitting at kind of, you know, almost picnic tables that they've just kind of, you know, this furniture you bring out and you set up specially for the day. And so you see them with their flasks and cups of tea and this sort of stuff because, I mean, they're through, you know, winter as well.
So kind of like, I don't know what happens at night.
I don't know if you pass by, but there'll be people there. Two in the morning. Certainly lately there has been, but because they're worried that it's two in the morning that they'll begin to convert it into this accommodation center.
[00:07:12] Speaker A: This suddenly escalated last Monday, I think, was it maybe Sunday your time or Monday our time? I'm not sure which it was, but it was last week. It escalated after months of relatively peaceful encampment protest.
What happened last Monday? That all of a sudden this went from zero to 100 quite quickly. And by the end of the day, seemed to be out of control because.
[00:07:34] Speaker B: They decided, we are now going to try and convert the factory into an. Into an accommodation center. So this is what the kind of local protesters were trying to stop. And then it was decided the time has come to make this conversion. And so guards were sent in, JCB's were sent in in order to make it happen. And then this protest kicked off.
[00:07:57] Speaker A: Tell our listeners. Sorry. So, Gada, are the local police watch JCB?
[00:08:01] Speaker B: A. JCB is a digger that you'd see on bill.
[00:08:05] Speaker A: Of course. Yeah. Okay. Yeah, I'm with you. The yellow digger.
[00:08:08] Speaker B: Exactly.
So anyway, so the protests just began to get bigger. More people began to come into the area, including from outside the area. There is no question that there were agitators who aren't genuine. Some of whom are genuinely far right, decided to jump in on the act. And they had been kind of in on the act since the start of the complaints from the government is, you know, spreading misinformation about the type of people coming in the unvetted mail, all this sort of thing, you know, misinformation that they will be taking people's benefits, all this other stuff. So there was a definite element of agitation going on. Then, as the day went on, violence between Gardi, that is, police and some protesters began to happen. And this was kind of sometimes simply local thugs and sometimes some outside the area deciding, here's an opportunity to make trouble. It's like what happened in the Dublin riot late last year. I think I might have been on with you talking about that, too.
[00:09:14] Speaker A: That's right, yep.
[00:09:15] Speaker B: And so what happened there was a non national, shall we say, had been involved in a violent stabbing involving some victims and the locals basically kicked off. And some of those who joined in were simply local thugs who decided to start looting shops and fighting degardee. So this was a little bit like that. Although it didn't become as big, local thugs, some from outside the area, some who belonged to actual criminal gangs, began to get involved. And the guardee arrested about 20 people and brought them to court.
Then a couple of days later, there was similar acts. They weren't as bad. I think the guardee had been better under control.
The politicians have been loud in condemnation of what's going on, but at the same time, they don't want to alienate everybody from Kulak because a lot of very ordinary kulak inhabitants also don't like what's happening happening. So they're having to distinguish between the violent protesters and the peaceful protesters.
[00:10:19] Speaker A: So where did it end up then? So you had at least one vehicle was burnt, right. They set it on fire and by the evening, like these sort of, again, scenes similar to Dublin last year.
But where did it all end up? Has it settled down again? Have the protesters gone away? Is the peaceful camp still there?
[00:10:39] Speaker B: So I think there was either two or three guarded cars that got damaged. A JCB was set on fire. This is not the first day.
And then about two nights ago, there was up to a thousand protesters conversing in the area, some from outside the area, a lot from Crewlock itself. And there was a bit of trouble and the guardian came in again and they had to send in the kind of heavy squad, so to speak, you know, with riot gear and that kind of thing on. It didn't kick off as badly as the other day, but, I mean, there's still a constant local protest. There's been several arson attacks on the factory. It's a big complex with a, you know, a number of buildings. It amazes me that despite them knowing this place would be a target for arson attacks, some of those arson attacks have happened anyway. So clearly the place has not been properly protected.
But the protests are still going on and they still don't want this happening. But the place is being transformed because they put big barriers around it so people can't get in as easily to stop things happening.
[00:11:37] Speaker A: So it is still effectively a type of sort of ongoing protest that every now and then escalates into sort of siege mentality. Is that how you'd describe it?
[00:11:47] Speaker B: Yes, somewhat. And it's hard to know exactly where it's all going to stop and how it'll stop and if the protesters will simply decide, well, we're giving up now because we can't do anything about it? Or will they simply stay there even if and when it's transformed into the accommodation center, that which the government wants it to be? Because it is possible that they simply won't go away at all. Even when it's transformed into this accommodation center and they move people in, they might still stay outside and so there might be an indefinite presence.
[00:12:18] Speaker A: So when the police came in initially the other day and this all kicked off, were they trying to move everyone out or were they just trying to create a pathway for the works to begin?
[00:12:27] Speaker B: They were trying to create a pathway for the works to begin because to actually clear the whole area would have taken the most enormous effort and also would have been an attack on civil liberties if they had really tried to clear them out. It's on a really busy road and they did have to shut the road down completely for a while because you couldn't have traffic going in and out where there's all this trouble taking place. But to actually stop people coming anywhere near it would be just an attack on basic civil liberties.
[00:12:52] Speaker A: We'll talk in a second about some of the bigger issues, because I know you've actually spoken and written publicly about this.
How would you describe the general mood in sort of Ireland regarding this incident and what's happened here?
[00:13:07] Speaker B: So opinion polls have been consistently showing that about two thirds of the public are concerned that immigration is getting out of hand. And there's a distinction, obviously, to be made between legal economic immigration. People coming in legally declaim asylum, and those coming in pretending that they're fleeing persecution, when in fact they're economic migrants in disguise. But Ireland now has one of the highest rates of immigration in Europe. I think we're about the third or fourth highest country for that. The other countries, by the way, are really tiny countries like Cyprus and Malta. I mean, Ireland is obviously a very small country, like New Zealand. Cyprus and Malta are way smaller.
But our country has seen an extremely fast rate of population increase.
We have a housing shortage, which young people in particular find incredibly challenging. It's very hard for young people to move out of home now because it's just so expensive to move out of home. So there's big strains on the infrastructure. On the other hand, we have a booming economy, thanks chiefly to the tech sector, so there is demand for jobs. So employers say we need more and more and more immigration.
The real issue, though, for people at the moment is the asylum issue, because they see all these people coming in in ever greater numbers. They do tend to be young men. This is the same everywhere. And they're wondering, why is the mainly young men and what's this all about? And then some of the people on the far right say, well, these are unvetted males and they could be criminals, for all we know. So this is the sort of thing used to stir up fear. But the number of asylum seekers coming into the country, you know, it was 10,000 last year, and it's looking like it'll be in excess of 20,000 this year.
[00:14:46] Speaker A: David, is this a plan, an economic scheme, to try and make up for the lack of babies, or is this that sort of european elite hubris where they just. They think they're helping, but they're just making it worse by, you know, a lack of prudence of immigration?
[00:15:02] Speaker B: Well, again, I mean, there's two separate issues. So one is the economic immigration. So the government is definitely planning that because they say, well, the economy needs workers, so we're just going to keep importing people into the country through the legal immigration scheme. And I know in New Zealand, you know, there's constant debates about exactly what's the right level of legal immigration to allow. Same in Australia, where I live for a few years. So it's a common thing. But so that's planned.
But the asylum seeking is not planned because, you know, if they are fleeing areas of persecution, you don't know where the next big persecution or war is going to break out. And then suddenly people start, start arriving, but they're arriving in numbers that were never before anticipated. And so people are concerned about, well, how open ended can this be and where does this end? And when you add in eventually family reunification programs, how many are we going to end up with? How well can they integrate into the local population?
Like, for example, when the war between Russia and Ukraine kicked off, we ended up with about 100,000 Ukrainians coming here. Now, these are mainly women and children, but they integrate pretty easily. So there's obviously more of a concern. If you come from a culture that in its values are very far to move from a place like Ireland, how well integrated will those people eventually be? And we see in parts of Europe like Sweden, Denmark, France, Germany, Britain, people from some countries, and I'm just going to pick one, Afghanistan don't necessarily integrate as quickly. And me even saying that, you see, it's a risky thing, isn't it?
[00:16:41] Speaker A: Yeah, of course. And I was going to ask you that question then. Are you seeing that sort of ghettoization that some of the other countries are seeing?
[00:16:49] Speaker B: I don't think we're particularly seeing it yet because I think in terms of immigration from parts of the developing world, if I can put it that way, North Africa, Middle east and so on, we haven't seen too much of it yet.
We have a population of about 100,000 Muslims and they seem to be pretty well integrated because they've come in at a slow rate.
So if you drive around Ireland, you're rarely going to see still places where you're thinking, it doesn't look like I'm in Ireland anymore, it looks like I'm somewhere completely different. So that hasn't really happened yet, but that could easily happen now over the next couple of decades, depending on how we handle things going forward.
[00:17:31] Speaker A: So you've mentioned the housing. We talked about this a little bit last time, and I was going to ask you, is this still an issue? Is it also things like healthcare and other infrastructure that starts to get a bit strained and the pressure goes on with numbers as well?
[00:17:43] Speaker B: Yes, I mean, without question. So the big one is housing.
There are some strains in the healthcare system. I mean, on the other hand, the healthcare system is heavily staffed by immigrant workers from places like India and Pakistan and the Philippines. So if we didn't have them, we'd be in worse condition. But you see, that's legal immigration, so it's different. And there's still questions to be asked about what is the appropriate level of legal immigration, because the economy can't be the only consideration. There has to be also things like, well, what is the effect on housing? And how quickly can we integrate this very large number of people? And what are the downstream effects of bringing so many people into the country, countries so quickly? And can we really integrate them? Or will there be social disruption down the road like there has been in places like France and elsewhere? So these are questions that are still unanswered. And there are questions, by the way, that essentially we're not allowed to ask because we've got to keep on saying to ourselves, it's always good. Diversity is always good. These people are all wonderful and they'll integrate no problem whatsoever. And if you point to what's happening in other countries, you're simply shut down.
[00:18:51] Speaker A: I was going to ask you about that because you sort of hinted at that earlier. Do you feel a sense of trepidation even having to speak up or to have the discussion publicly about these issues?
[00:19:01] Speaker B: Well, a little bit. But, like, if I'm in debates, I mean, what I will say to people who would have the opposing point of view, I always ask, do you favor open borders?
And the answer is usually no. And I said, well, why don't you favor open borders? Well, you know, we can't bring in too many at one go because we mightn't be able to cope. Okay, so you don't favor open borders, therefore you favor managed immigration, therefore the debate then becomes, well, how many should we accept in one year or over ten years? And so then you have them kind of in a more rational space, and then the debate becomes, okay, are certain populations more integratable than populations from very, very different cultures than Ireland? And they're reluctant to go there, but they kind of have to admit, yes, that somebody coming from Poland is probably easier to integrate into Ireland because they're a kind of catholic european country than somebody from the Middle east.
[00:19:59] Speaker A: You tweeted a couple of days ago, much punditry now consists of the middle class talking down to the working class about immigration.
Do you, in a sense, mean that there is a sort of like a laptop class here that are, in a sense, insulated? They're more than happy to welcome the immigrants because it's not their neighbourhoods, it's not their cafes and eateries that are all of a sudden chocked to the brim that someone else is dealing with the problem that they're creating, in a sense, yeah, totally.
[00:20:29] Speaker B: So I live in a middle class part of Dublin and I grew up here as well. And this area looks like it did when I was growing up.
There's hardly any immigrants in the area, but if you go into some of these working class areas, they changed.
And if you go into the city centre, the north side city centre, I think it's probably majority minority, if you know what I mean at this point. So the middle class, therefore, are lecturing the working class about something that they don't have to deal with day to day at all.
So it's easy for them to talk, in other words. And the asylum seekers are mainly being moved into areas of social deprivation are small rural communities. So you have examples of small rural village. Only 200 people live there. There's a disused hotel nearby and now they're proposing to move 200 asylum seekers into that hotel. So that's 200 asylum seekers and a local population of 200. And so kind of the Dublin middle class are talking down to them as well when they hardly ever have to deal with the situation themselves.
[00:21:39] Speaker A: So how long do you think can you push? I know that. I mean, the Irish, they don't tend to be pushed around forever. And I get it. Things have probably changed in the decades since the troubles. But, you know that old saying about, you know, the irish heart and, you know, I die with my hands untied and all the rest of it. Is there a point at which you sense this is starting to heat up just a little bit too much and there's a volatility to this that could actually result in a pushback?
[00:22:07] Speaker B: Well, like the most. I think the most significant thing politically that's happening lately is the collapse in Sinn Fein support. So Sinn Fein has been historically the political expression of the IRA, which will be obviously, you know, well familiar to people in New Zealand. So we had a general election in 2020 and Sinn Fein did really well. In fact, they did the best of all the parties, but they weren't able to form a coalition government, so to remain in opposition. So all the predictions were when the next general election comes around in the next few months. Sinn Fein are going to do really well and might be in government, but they've seen their poll ratings SAG and SAG and SAG until to where it's about half what it was at one point, maybe even less than half what it was at one point. And we had local and european elections recently where they did really badly. So the weird thing that's happening is the more asylum seekers come into the country, the worse Sinn is getting, not the government. And I think the answer to the riddle is that these asylum seekers are being moved in mainly to areas where Sinn has a lot of support. They're not being moved into areas where the government parties, namely Finnegan and Fina, fall, have a lot of support. So these working class communities where the strong Sinn votes see these asylum seekers moved into their communities and are blaming Sinn for not defending them. And Sinn have what I call the social democratic dilemma. Now what I mean by that is these kind of centre left parties from all around Europe have this dilemma whereby they must choose between keeping the support of their traditional working class voters or opting for multiculturalism. And in nearly every case, the social Democrats around Europe have opted for multiculturalism over their traditional working class supporters. And as a result of that, they have lost their working class supporters to the likes of Marine Le Pen and France and so on. You go all around Europe and you see the working class are now mainly moving towards these so called populist, nationalist, sometimes far right parties. And the social Democrats are simply sat back in the said, okay, so be it. Let them abandon us. And Sinn Fein are now where they have to make this really big historical decision, you know, in their own terms, do we opt for multiculturalism or do we stick with a working class base? And they're absolutely being torn over this because they have this what I call the kind of left wing lawyer, middle class type support. And they all believe in multiculturalism. And so they're extremely strongly influential in their parties, as middle class, educated lawyer types tend to be. And they've got the media the whole time pushing them in the multiculturalist direction, but then they have the working class supporters saying, you're not defending us. And so which way is Sinn Fein going to go?
It's kind of still in the balance. Sinn Fein came out yesterday with a new immigration policy statement that was a lot of it was on the one hand. On the other hand, they were trying to have it both ways. Still between, well, we love multiculturalism, but at the same time we don't alienate or working class support. And I think they have to make a decisive choice. And if their decisive choices for multiculturalism, they can wave goodbye to the working class. The only social democratic party in Europe that has stayed in power are the danish social Democrats because the danish social Democrats were sticking with our working class supporters and they really cracked down hard on asylum seeking. So Denmark, with the same population as New Zealand, the same population as Ireland, has one 10th the number of asylum seekers coming into that country as Ireland does because they feel really strict about it. So therefore they've kept the working class supporters and are still in power.
[00:25:56] Speaker A: Do you have like a farage or a le pen type figure who's waiting in the wings or you're not quite there yet?
[00:26:02] Speaker B: No. So you do have these right wing anti immigrant parties. They're very small.
We had these local and european elections there a few weeks ago and they got a handful of local councillors in, but they don't have a kind of charismatic leader who's really able to get people going like your farage types. So that kind of person hasn't appeared yet. I think if such a person did appear, their support could begin to grow. And I think the support of some of these parties might begin to grow anyway. Because if Sinn simply refuses to really defend what the working class consider to be their interests and the working class perceive, you don't care about us anymore, then it just creates a vacuum. And you see, Sinn Fein has been lectured to all the time by the media. You must not pander to this anti immigrant sentiment. You must not go down the racist road. All this kind of thing. And Sinn Fein are dead nervous about seeming to defend their working class supporters in case they get called racist, this is why they're torn.
But if somebody sooner or later is going to come along and say to those disenfranchised working class people, we'll be your representatives, Sinn Fein won't be your representatives. We're going to be your representatives. And I think it's inevitable that that's going to happen unless Sinn decides to fill the gap instead.
[00:27:29] Speaker A: David, I've got one last question to wrap this all up. You're on the record as saying that this isn't going to go away unless the deeper underlying issue is addressed. Give us a summary of how you would describe that underlying issue. And I guess, more importantly, what do you think a solution, a workable solution, actually looks like to that underlying issue?
[00:27:48] Speaker B: Well, I mean, okay, I can't remember exactly the context for that tweet, but it was probably something like, the underlying issue in this whole thing is we have a broken asylum system.
People are coming into the country in large and increasing numbers. A lot of them are economic migrants in disguise. The processing system is incredibly slow. Even when a person fails in their asylum application, they appeal. That takes ages because the whole thing is so slow. Even when they finally fail, they're almost never deported. They're told, you can voluntarily leave a lot, don't leave. So the system simply isn't working. There's not enough people working in the system. It's a backlog of about 20,000 asylum seekers in the system. And apparently at the present rate, it will take two years to process those applications. In the meantime, more and more people are coming in, so they need to seriously get control of the situation. And one big way to do that is more staff, but also just get more serious about it. Be willing to send people home if they fail their asylum application. What's also happening, by the way, is people have been coming in from countries like Nigeria, and a particular example is Georgia and Albania. They're both considered safe countries. So why they come in here? There's no conflict in Georgia, no conflict in Albania that they're fleeing and in. They were coming because the word was going out that Ireland is an easy place to come to and an easy place to stay. And if you're talking to other asylum seekers and you're talking to the gangs who bring these people into Europe and the world goes around, Ireland is an easy place to go to and an easy place to stay. So they got to fix all that.
[00:29:32] Speaker A: Do you think a pause or a halt to immigration is necessary or is it not quite that serious yet?
[00:29:38] Speaker B: I wouldn't have thought so, no. I mean, we do need immigrants. There's no question about that. So it's simply a matter of how many do we need at any given time? What strains will this place in the housing structure? How quickly can they be socially integrated? So these are the questions to be considered.
So on the economic immigration side, they've got to ask hard questions about how many should we actually take into the country at any one time, because it's a very large number at the moment.
But again, it's the asylum side of things that's mainly concerning people because that looks uncontrolled. You can control legal immigration and again, there's questions as to how high or low that should be. But people feel like the asylum system is going out of control because, you know, when you look at EU asylum figures by country, we have one of the highest proportions coming in like, it's very strange. Italy is a frontline country directly opposite the Mediterranean. Italy has proportionately less people seeking asylum there than we have on Ireland, which is right on the edge of Europe. So there's very strange things happening, and they see that the government, the state and Sinn are not trying to do enough about it.
[00:30:47] Speaker A: If you're a betting man, what do you think's going to happen with Kulak going forward? Do you think it'll settle down? They'll just get in there and do their work or what happens?
[00:30:58] Speaker B: I'm assuming that they will transform it into an accommodation center. They might not put 500 in there. It might be less than that because it will just annoy people too much in the locality. So they might end up, I don't know. This is a fairly wild guess with 200 in the or something. But, I mean, they're going to have to put them somewhere unless the government begins to take back control of the situation more. I mean, what I'd like to see, actually, is them going into more middle class areas. Middle class areas are less socially deprived. So we've got to stop, you know, like middle class. People who give out about these working class communities have got to put their money where their mouth is and hand over their local hotels to assignment seekers. But I can guarantee what will happen then is support for the government will plunge. Because if the middle class decide we don't want this, then things will change fast.
[00:31:49] Speaker A: Well, that's very well put, David. And on that note, it seems like an appropriate place to end things. So thanks for taking the time to speak to us. The time difference between us and Ireland is quite a wide gulf. So thank you for taking the time and hopefully we won't have to talk about too many more riots in future. You might get a bit of wise political movement on this.
[00:32:09] Speaker B: Thank you.
[00:32:09] Speaker A: So there you go, folks. I hope you enjoyed that informative interview with David Quinn about the upheaval that is happening in irish culture and politics regarding the issue of immigration. Thanks for tuning in. And don't forget, live by goodness, truth and beauty, not by lies. And I'll see you next time on the dispatches.
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